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IF YOU want to think big thoughts in a beautiful place, get invited to Aspen. The famous Colorado ski resort is also the summer home of the Aspen Institute for Humanistic Studies, a title designed to remind its seminar guests that they are there for a serious purpose. They discuss anything that is high-minded but not too abstract - corporate leadership, justice and society, economic policy, geopolitical relations - in seminars that last from a few days to as long as a month. The guests are a name-dropper's delight: that chap in the tennis kit is William Colby, new boss of the CIA; the tall man togged up to go fishing is Paul Volcker. They are joined by assorted politicians, academics, businessmen, ambassadors and journalists. For years, the institute took its lead from a generous chairman, Mr Robert Anderson, former boss of Arco, an oil company. He has just been succeeded by a pukka academic, Mr David McLaughlin, former president of Dartmouth College. The institute has found a way of reaching the pockets of the rich via the aspirations of their heads: if they give enough, they are called Fellows of the institute and are allowed to sit in on the meetings (but not to talk).
Aspen began as an American institute, then spread to Europe. It now organises symposiums in West Germany, Italy and France. It also has another American base, near Washington, DC. But the jewel in its crown is Aspen itself. Guests are put up in sparse rooms in low dormitory blocks, which may explain why the habitues prefer to rent (or own) houses nearby. The food is good, verging on excellent, and the setting is supreme. If you are invited, drop everything and go.
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BILDERBERG takes its name from a Dutch hotel where, in the early 1950s, the first meeting took place under the aegis of Prince Bernhard. The occasion has outgrown the hotel, but the Dutch link remains. Among several European royals who attend as occasional guests, Queen Beatrix and her husband come regularly. A Dutch professor who has brokered coalition governments into existence on her behalf is one of the secretary-generals (the other, American, one lives in San Francisco), and Bilderberg's tiny secretariat sits in The Hague. The meetings now take place by informal rotation in countries of the Atlantic community.
Some 100 or more attend, by invitation of a steering committee. The meetings happen once a year, in the spring. They last 2.5 days (Thursday night until Sunday lunch) and are held in varying but always comfortable surroundings - in 1987 Lake Como, before that Gleneagles. Apart from a half-day on the golf links or sleeping off the previous night's dinner, morning and afternoon sessions fill up the time.
A mixture of able and distinguished folk attend - a sprinkling of serving prime and cabinet ministers, central-bank governors, defence and other experts. They talk, often to galvanising and fascinating effect, about the main issues of the day - East-West relations, arms control, deficits, debt, the Falklands, sanctions, whatever. Their thoughts may not be repeated outside the meetings and never are. This frustrates outsiders but helps 100 great and good people be frank with each other, as does the fact that Bilderberg members are limited to people of NATO and West European countries who know how to be kind or rude to each other without causing such misunderstandings as would occur if Indians, Fijians, Africans, Chinese or Japanese were also present.
Elite and discreet, Bilderberg has inevitably been talked of in hushed tones by conspiracy theorists over the years. It needn't be. The lists of attenders are published, as are the agendas, and before each meeting the chairman (currently Lord Roll) holds a press conference at which few journalists bother to turn up.
Where does the money come from? Not complicated. The steering-group members raise from business the small sums necessary to keep the organising secretariat going hand-to-mouth in The Hague. Members from the host country raise enough money to pay for the hotel and conference when it takes place on their home soil (they are allowed to ask extra guests to make this money-raising easier). Participants pay their own long-haul travel, but are usually shepherded as VIPs from the nearest airport. They also pay expenses over and above the basic bill for their hotel room - the Bilderberg custom being that a whole hotel is booked for each meeting so that Bilderbergers may be alone with each other, their words, their thoughts and, these days, their security men.
When you have scaled the Bilderberg, you have arrived.
* * *
THE Bohemian Grove is, properly, the Midsummer Encampment of the Bohemian Club of San Francisco which takes place for two weeks during each July in a redwood grove outside Monte Rio, a small town in Sonoma County in northern California. 'The Grove' gets part of its character from the traditional interests of the club, which was founded in 1872 by San Franciscans with an artistic bent. Thus each year two plays are put on, one serious, one musical; both are written, produced and performed by members of the club.
There are frequent concerts given by the club's orchestra, its band, and countless smaller groups, as well as performances on the organ, the Grove's 100 or more pianos and by visiting musicians brought in as guests. All performances are outdoors.
The other notable feature of the Grove is its concentration of big cheeses. Tycoons (nearby Santa Rosa airport is jammed with executive jets), leading academics, lawyers, entertainers and politicians (particularly Republican ones) all meet to relax, enjoy each other's company and - despite the Grove's motto, 'Weaving spiders come not here' - to help make the world go round. Thus, it was at the Grove, it is said, that the Manhattan project was set up and that Eisenhower was selected as the Republicans' candidate for 1952.
Although anyone is eligible, so long as he is a man, most Bohemians are Californians. And in recent years, with so many Californians in government, the Grove has often seemed to swarm with members of the administration. Movers and shakers enjoy the Grove for its informality (old clothes, no ties), relaxation (long walks in the 2,700 wooded acres, swimming in the Russian river), dominoes, entertainment (no televisions, hi-fis or radios, but music all day long somewhere), limitless drink and excellent food. Most people sleep in tents, some singly in luxury, with beds and electric blankets; others communally, in less comfort. Yet the Grove takes itself seriously and has its serious side. Thus lectures are given daily, one generally on a scientific theme (by the Grove's museum), one or perhaps two on wider issues by the Lake. They may be given by a member (say, Mr Henry Kissinger or Mr David Packard) or by a guest (say, Mr Helmut Schmidt or Mr Maynard Jackson).
The club has a long waiting list, despite the expense of joining it and paying its dues. It has 2,000 members, not all of whom go regularly to the Grove. Members are, however, allowed to invite guests, who tend to be people of similar background and interests. Thus one may meet an opera singer, a greenmailer or a former prime minister of Australia while thespians cavort.
* * *
BEFORE a recent spell of high-tech growth, Boulder, Colorado, was one of the most charming towns in the United States. A pleasantly relaxed state university dominated the oasis town at the eastern foot of the Rockies, with their ski-slopes, streams and bridle paths. The alumni had such a nice time there, so effortlessly, that a small group of teachers wondered after the war how they might persuade them to think.
This pious idea coincided with the founding of the United Nations, the launching of the Marshall Plan and other stimulating international developments of the time. Wise men were asked to come to Boulder from New York and Europe to expound on the atrophy of nations, wars, and empires, and the imminence of world government.
Such heady talk became in 1947 a United Nations Conference on World Affairs. The yearly conference has endured, with only the words 'United Nations' deleted from its name. Mr Howard Higman, a native of Boulder who brought the conference into the world - then a young sociology teacher, now a professor emeritus - is its permanent chairman.
The university's governing body seems to enjoy the disturbance of its peace every Easter holiday. The budget is tiny. The lecturers and panelists, more than a 100 of them as a rule, appear without fee. They may be academics, writers, diplomats or bankers; a great many are one-issue people riding their own hobby-horses. They stay with dons and enjoy the customary institutional food. They pay or charge their own fares to Boulder, where students ferry them around in borrowed cars. What they do at the conference, whether lecturing to an audience of 1,000 or spinning out chit-chat on a panel of five with a dozen listeners, is in the capricious hands of some committee. The broad selection of North Americans there is an ingredient in the event's appeal.
While the intellectual bill of fare changes with the passing mode, some constants persist. The international order is never quite left to its long rest. Eminent types come from the United Nations. Friends and antagonists of NATO, of armaments and of arms control bandy words year by year. The audiences choose where they need enlightenment, and so confirm the enduring fascination of sex, violence and money as subjects to study and ponder.
* * *
IN THE shade of Thomas Mann's 'Magic Mountain' at Davos, Switzerland, 650 business leaders meet for the first week of February every year to acquire a bit of corporate legerdemain. The World Economic Forum may not be the most comfortable or the most select conference, but it is probably the hardest working and certainly one of the best organised. Each day there is a choice of up to 20 meetings, ranging from open 'plenary sessions' with prime ministers to seminars on 'how to protect your company from economic espionage' or 'the spirit of entrepreneurship'. The conference is unashamedly capitalist: meet people, make deals, exchange expertise, maximise profits, and, dammit, enjoy it all because you're doing yourself, and the world, a favour.
This tone is set by Professor Klaus Schwab, who started the annual meeting as the European Management Forum in 1971. The whole enterprise is self-financing and a tribute to his singlemindedness and skill. The amount of paper and the variety of things on offer are so overwhelming that most people begin to make sense of them only on their second visit.
There is a core of regular Davos-goers. Every participant has a letter box, a computer code-name, a book 2' thick with everyone's photograph and company description giving turnover and number of employees. There is a daily newspaper, a programme for spouses, and, every year, a mass of fringe activities as participants seek to maximise their profit by giving parties to other participants. Into this mix are folded 150 politicians, or 'world leaders', 50 'world media leaders', 100 humbler journalists and 50 (rather high-powered) members of the 'faculty'.
It would all be a bit much but for two saving graces: immaculate Swiss organisation and immaculate Swiss mountains. Skip that subterranean seminar on 'The impact of SEC rules on capital-raising by foreign companies in the US' and make for the hills: there's many a 'world leader' on the ski slopes.
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THE Group of Thirty, or (ouch) the Consultative Group on International Economic and Monetary Affairs Incorporated, was set up in 1978 with the aim of deepening understanding of international economic and financial issues. The diversity of its carefully chosen membership of 30 (current and former central bankers and public officials, private bankers and economists) makes it unusual. Its first chairman was Mr Johannes Witteveen, former IMF managing director. Now, Lord Richardson, former governor of the Bank of England, gives it class. A leading light, whose enthusiasm got the group going, is Mr Geoffrey Bell, an economist-cum-banker, who acts as secretary. The 30 meet twice a year for two or three days - one meeting riding on the IMF/World Bank jamboree - to discuss current topics in private; 10-20 distinguished outsiders come each time. The G-30 also organises seminars and special working parties, whose reports are among the group's publications. A small permanent staff operates in New York and London.
Originally financed by the Rockefeller Foundation, it is now paid for - none too readily - by corporations, central banks and private banks. The group is rather strapped for cash, so its venues have become less exotic. The hospitality of a central bank - anywhere - is appreciated.
Recent discussions have ranged over the world economy, imbalances in world payments, exchange-rate movements and the problems and financial markets of developing countries. Mobilisation of the G-30's talent and contacts has resulted in useful fact-finding operations on these subjects that are not to be sneezed at. But the group needs a long-term strategy.
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POLL late on a Saturday night with port and cigar in one of the fine drawing rooms at Ditchley Park, half close the eyes, and you are Churchill during a wartime weekend, after a dinner spent mulling over the future of the world. Ditchley's charm is that it has managed to preserve the trappings of a great British country house. Its drawback is that you are there to work: 12 hours of earnest discussion around green baize tables, while ancestors look on.
The splendid, early-Georgian house of Ditchley was endowed in the late 1950s by Sir David Wills, out of a tobacco fortune, as a centre for the study of problems of common interest to Britain and America. Its first meeting, 25 years ago, was to discuss British and American policy in tropical Africa. Today its remit is broader: any western problem, and not just those of defence and foreign policy. The topic might be modern medicine, or population control, or higher education.
A permanent secretariat works at Ditchley, organising about 12 conference weekends per year. It is run, usually, by a retired ambassador - currently the mild and clever Sir John Graham. Some 40 people come to each weekend: one-third from America, one-third from Britain and one-third from the rest of the world. They are chosen for being bright, informed or influential on the matter in hand. They must speak English. Their discussion is broken down into three sub-groups, starting and ending with plenary sessions. Three sub-group chairmen are appointed to the daunting job of steering overlong discussions based on terms of reference larded with phrases such as 'the relationship between the use of force and the economic and political structure of states.' Harassed sub-rapporteurs then have one hour to write summaries of these feasts of non-sequiturs while changing into black-tie for dinner on Saturday night. These scribblers end their weekend feeling ready for another one. The chief-rapporteur flits owl-like between the groups without needing to say a word. His come-uppance strikes later when he must write the weekend up.
A recent problem for Ditchley has been attracting the hard men and women of the ruling right in Britain and America. Civilised internationalists tend to agree that all is not well with the alliance, or Europe, or arms control, or the world economy because of the unreasonableness of people who are not present. Alas, the future of the world is no longer planned in country houses.
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THE Pugwash Conferences on Science and World Affairs are named after Cyrus Eaton's summer home in Nova Scotia, where the first conference took place in 1957. (Pandit Nehru also offered to host the first meeting, so these conferences might well have been named with eastern and not western oddness.)
The founding spirits were Bertrand Russell and Albert Einstein. Scientists from the United States and the Soviet Union are prominent at Pugwash gatherings, with a sprinkling of Nobel laureates usually in attendance. Britain's Dorothy Hodgkin is the current president, and the British delegation is heavy with senior citizens of science. Increasingly, Pugwash also draws senior military people, especially to its smaller and more specialised symposiums.
The best feature of Pugwash is that it brings together people from East, West and the non-aligned countries. Pugwash is thus particularly valuable when East and West are not officially on speaking terms. Many disarmament initiatives were first aired in this forum (in particular, ways of monitoring arms control agreements). Nuclear disarmament and reduction of East-West tension remain constant themes, but Pugwash now embraces a range of issues including biological, chemical and conventional arms control, environment and development problems, as well as conflicts around the world.
Financing is a haphazard mix of government and foundation grants, the former predominating in the East, the latter in the West. Meetings vary in size, from the annual conferences of more than 100 participants, to smaller symposiums of 20 or 30.
The average age of the participants rankles a bit: it has earned Pugwash a reputation of being a summer camp for geriatric scientists. Some claim a generation of scientists has been lost to Pugwash because of the reluctance of the old guard to stand aside.
No matter: some of the old, retired Red Army generals dance a neat polka and in 1987 both the Russians and the Americans fielded younger, more energetic teams. Moreover, a lively, international Student Pugwash is now pumping new blood - and money - into the organisation.
Pugwashery is a fine way to see the world. The national Pugwash groups take turns to host meetings, which have ranged from Australia to Swedish Lapland. The 1986 annual conference was in Budapest, 1987's in Gmunden, Austria; 1988's will be in Tibilsi, Georgia, and the 1989 one in Boston, Massachusetts.
Pugwash meetings are often somewhat disorganised. But they can produce marvellously unstuffy discussion that allows small-power sparrows to take on big-power eagles, both within and between the blocks. American participants were hauled over the coals for Vietnam during the 1960s, and on one memorable occasion in the early 1980s Philip Noel-Baker (then in his 90s) delivered a brilliant lecture on the Great Game in Asia to demonstrate to the Russians the utter futility of fighting Afghans.
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BRITAIN'S Field Marshal Bernard Montgomery suggested the idea of a NATO command-post exercise (a paper drill: no movement of forces) to train army divisional commanders in 1952. General Eisenhower, who was then NATO's European commander, accepted it, and the meeting has been held annually ever since, bar 1967.
Gradually SHAPEX (the acronym for Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers in Europe Exercise) moved away from the sand-table-and-chessboard atmosphere of army war games. Air forces and navies elbowed their way in; the topics were broadened to include geopolitics and all that; and in 1962 non-civil-servants were invited for the first time to leaven the military mix.
The meeting takes place at the SHAPE headquarters near Mons in Belgium in a big sterile auditorium, and lasts for two days. Each year's theme is picked by the European NATO commander. Generally there is a main presentation dealing with this theme (something like 'The Soviet Union in the 1990s'), open discussions and some specialised military offerings.
Most senior NATO commanders now come. In years when the subject matter can be unclassified, some journalists, politicians and businessmen are invited; the attendance in these years can be as high as 400. Expenses are paid by NATO; guests are usually invited to stay in the homes of SHAPE staff officers.
For NATO officers SHAPEX is a good time to get together and away from the day-to-day routine for a bit of intellectual exercise. To outsiders it offers an almost unparalleled opportunity to rub elbows with the top men of NATO and discuss security matters seriously. As in many symposiums, the best of the talk comes during meals or over drinks in the late evenings.
* * *
EACH year the Williamsburg meetings of about 40 people bring together East Asian leaders fluent in English (usually educated at English-speaking universities) with interested Americans of the Cyrus Vance, Scottie Reston, Harvard professor or (especially) corporate president type. Sample Pacific participants: Japan's Saburo Okita and Kiichi Miyazawa, Malaysia's Ghazali Shafie, Singapore's Goh Keng Swee, South Korea's Kim Kyung Won, Australia's Gough Whitlam, and rather a good scatter of overseas Chinese millionaires.
The late John D. Rockefeller financed Williamsburg 1 in 1971, and attended the next nine annual meetings (usually in Asian tourist resorts like Penang or Bali), wearing a namecard which stated his job as 'philanthropist'. Corporate sponsors foot the bill now.
Documentation is minimal, but usually includes a table of interestingly comparative social statistics for each country. Rather good chairmanship from officials of Washington's Asia Society sees to it that after 3.5 minutes of any contribution the chairman twiddles his pencil, and after 4 minutes cuts in with 'thank you, Koko, now on this point I'd like to hear a Japanese.' If you don't talk interestingly, you aren't invited next year. It has been a genuinely useful forum for discussions on such things as Vietnam, what sorts of Indonesian corruption and supposedly non-existent Japanese exchange controls are most infuriating, different experiences of trade with China and Russia, and how does Singapore have a lower infant mortality than America? The meeting has allegedly grown more diplomatic under new management. This could kill it.
Just as campaign organisations lobby hard for their causes, the multinational companies do the same. The relentless advance of corporate power would suggest that they are extremely effective. But we know very little about how they go about achieving their aims. What lobby groupings of multinationals exist? How do the different groups inter-relate? When, where and how do they go about their lobbying? And how much influence have they had over Governments and major world events in the last 50 years?
Some small amount of work has been done in this area by the environmental movement. First, it was found that the industry was setting up groups like Forests Forever that passed themselves off as genuine pro-environmental concerns. Then it emerged that the Climate Coalition, a group of multinational car and oil companies such as Shell, Ford and BP, were lobbying hard to stop limits being imposed on greenhouse gas emissions. But so far this work is under-developed. And even less is understood about the way that these companies are driving the international aid, trade and investment agenda. And most worrying of all is the fact that these companies are forcing through changes that radically affect all our lives, but without consulting us, secretly, behind closed doors.
Occasionally, the influence they have wielded comes to light. There was Formula One, of course, and Mohammed Al Fayed, and the donation of half a million dollars by Chiquita to get the US Government to challenge the EU banana regime in the WTO. But these are just isolated incidents by individual companies. Surely, just as NGOs see fit to join together on an issue, multinational companies do the same.
I began this as a project to try to make the Multilateral Agreement on Investment (MAI) more media friendly. The MAI is a highly significant agreement as for the first time it will give multinational companies the right to sue governments. But the topic is so dry and obscure that apparently even the OECD can't get coverage for it. The best media presentations, I have found, have tended not even to mention the MAI but just talk generally about multinationals and the power they yield. But at present, only scattered pieces of information exist to back the argument up.
There is a need to get to grips with the nuts and bolts of the way the multinational lobby works. This will help NGOs to devise popular campaign targets as well as generate media coverage, not just on the MAI but on multinationals as a whole.
This document is some preliminary research attempting to identify the main groupings of companies and their sphere of operation. Most of it has been gathered from the WorldWideWeb. It's only a start really, but if it is of interest, some of the ways that it could be followed up on are mentioned at the end of the document.
The World Economic forum brings together 1,000 of the world's top multinational companies in an annual meeting at the luxury ski resort of Davos, Switzerland. The meeting gives the companies a chance to meet with many of the world's political and media leaders and Director-Generals of organisations such as the World Trade Organisation, the World Bank and the OECD. (For a list of the most important attendees see Appendix 1).
The last Davos meeting was from January 29th to February 2nd 1998. There were also regional meetings in Doha, Qatar 16-18 Nov 97 and New Delhi 7-9 Dec 97.
The Forum is organised by industry sector. It also has a number of 'clubs' made up of individuals. These clubs are called Industry Governors, Global Leaders for Tomorrow, World Media Leaders, World Cultural Leaders, MegaCity Mayors and Forum Fellows. Gordon Brown, UK Chancellor of the Exchequer, is listed in the Global Leaders group.
Despite having all the multinational companies on board, the Forum gives the impression of being quite progressive. For example, the director of the TRIODOS Bank is listed as a global leader of tomorrow.
Over the past 27 years, the World Economic Forum has evolved into a major force for economic integration at the corporate as well as the national economic levels. It has played a key role in identifying new trends in the economic, political, social and cultural domains, and in shaping strategies and actions for corporations and countries to integrate these changes and maximise their potentials.
In addition to the official sessions at the World Economic Forum activities, the literally thousands of private discussions that have taken place have provided the Foundation Members, the Global Growth Company Members and the Constituents with unique opportunities for sharing information, for pursuing business opportunities, and forging global partnerships and alliances.
Numerous joint ventures, new businesses and strategic partnerships were created as a result of World Economic Forum meetings. The first ASEM (Asia Europe Meeting) took place in Bangkok in 1996 and was a direct result of the Forum's initiative to strengthen economic and trade links between Europe and East Asia via the Europe/East Asia Economic Summit, first held in 1992.
The Forum has made a contribution to the process and negotiation of financial services liberalisation, through private meetings among key players which took place on the occasion of our 1996 Industry Summit in Chicago and on the occasion of the 1997 Annual Meeting in Davos.
The Foundation has been directly involved in the issue of globalisation and its impact on corporate strategies and structures on a macroeconomic level. This discussion was initiated at the 1996 Annual Meeting, and followed up in 1997.
The World Economic Forum has played a leading role in the economic globalisation process. Already in 1988, Greece and Turkey signed a declaration at Davos committing themselves never to revert to hostilities again. The process of German unification was accelerated in 1990 by a meeting in Davos of the heads of East and West Germany.
The World Economic Forum has played a major role at the beginning of the eighties in launching the Uruguay trade negotiations. It made again a significant contribution in the process leading to the 1992 Rio Earth Summit.
In 1994, Palestinian Liberation Organisation Chairman Yasser Arafat and Israeli Prime Minister Shimon Peres reached a draft agreement at Davos to bring Palestinian autonomy to the Gaza Strip and the West Bank city of Jericho.
The Peace in the Balkans initiative in Davos in 1996 showed how important it is for reconcilation processes to be sustained and relayed through the involvement of local and international business communities.
Regional activities of the World Economic Forum have provided an ongoing opportunity to further reconcilation processes launched in Davos. The annual Southern Africa Economic Summit has taken place in the region since 1991, and today, through our meeting, we are the driving force for economic integration in the southern part of the African continent. South African President de Klerk, African National Congress leader Nelson Mandela, and Inkatha Freedom Party President Mangosuthu Buthelezi shared a podium for the first time at the 1992 Annual Meeting in Davos.
The Middle East/North Africa Economic Summit was created in 1994 when, at the request of the principal parties involved, the World Economic Forum took the initiative to create the economic momentum that must accompany the political process if stability and peace are to be achieved in the Middle East. The MENA Summit has confirmed itself as the most important framework for business cooperation and networking in the region -- in Casablanca, Morocco in 1994; in Amman, Jordan in 1995; and in Cairo, Egypt in 1996.
We believe that progress can best be achieved when governments and business can freely and productively discuss challenges and work together to mold solutions.
World Economic Forum
53 chemin des Hauts-Crêts
Phone: (41 22) 869 1212
Fax: (41 22) 786 2744
web page: http://www.weforum.org
According to Bilderberg's draft document of 1989: "Bilderberg takes its name from the Bilderberg Hotel in Oosterbeek, Holland, where the first meeting took place in May 1954. That pioneering meeting grew out of the concern expressed by many leading citizens on both sides of the Atlantic that Western Europe and North America were not working together as closely as they should on matters of critical importance. It was felt that regular, off-the-record discussions would help create a better understanding of the complex forces and major trends affecting Western nations in the difficult post-war period."
The first Bilderberg meeting was convened under the chairmanship of H. R. H. Prince Bernhard of the Netherlands, who served as chairman for twenty-two years. He was succeeded by Lord Home of the Hirsel, former Prime Minister of the United Kingdom, who chaired the meetings for four years. At the 1980 meeting, Lord Home turned over the chairmanship to Walter Scheel, former President of the Federal Republic of Germany. In 1985, Mr Scheel resigned, and was succeeded by Lord Roll of Ipsden, President of S. G. Warburg Group plc. At 1989 meeting, Lord Roll turned over the chairmanship to Lord Carrington, who still chairs the meetings. The club's President today is thought to be James Callaghan, ex-Prime Minster of the UK.
The Bilderberg Club does not publicise its activities and little is known about its influence, although it is considered by many to be one of the most powerful groupings of industry and politics. Its members appear to be individuals rather than organisations, though presumably organisations are represented. It meets at least once a year.
Charles W. Muller,
American Friends of Bilderbergs, Inc.,
477 Madison Ave., 6th Floor,
New York, NY 10022
Maja Banck (nee Polderman),
1017 AJ Amsterdam
Phone: 31 20 625 0252
Fax: 31 20 624 4299
In June 1973 some members of the Bilderberg Club, without having departed from it officially, established a new group, the Trilateral Commission, with the intention of including the Far East. Members of the Trilateral Commission operate in parallel with the Bilderberg Club but more as a centre for research and analysis. The founding members of the Trilateral Commission are Sirus Vance and Warren Christopher. David Rockefeller, President of Chase Manhattan Bank, is president and Zbigniew Brzezinski is chief executive.
According to an information sheet supplied to an independent journalist by the Commission, dated March 23, 1994:
"The European Community, North America (U.S. and Canada), and Japan the three main democratic industrialised areas of the world - are the three sides of the Trilateral Commission. The Commission's members are about 325 distinguished citizens, with a variety of leadership responsibilities, from these three regions."
"When the first triennium of the Trilateral Commission was launched in 1973, the most immediate purpose was to draw together - at a time of considerable friction among governments - the highest level unofficial group possible to look together at the common problems facing our three areas. At a deeper level, there was a sense that the United States was no longer in such a singular leadership position as it had been in earlier post-World War II years, and that a more shared form of leadership - including Europe and Japan in particular - would be needed for the international system to navigate successfully the major challenges of the coming years. These purposes continue to inform the Commission's work."
The journalist goes on to add:
"The Trilateralists' emphasis on international economics is not entirely disinterested, for the oil crisis forced many developing nations, with doubtful repayment abilities, to borrow excessively. All told, private multinational banks, particularly Rockefeller's Chase Manhattan, have loaned nearly $52 billion to developing countries. An overhauled IMF would provide another source of credit for these nations, and would take the big private banks off the hook. This proposal was the cornerstone of the Trilateral plan."
Senator Barry Goldwater is thought to have had his campaign undermined by the Commission. In his book "With No Apologies", he termed the Commission 'David Rockefeller's newest international cabal,' and said, 'It is intended to be the vehicle for multinational consolidation of the commercial and banking interests by seizing control of the political government of the United States.'
Trilateral Commission Europe contact:
35 avenue de Friedland,
Tel.: 33/1/126.96.36.199 or
Trilateral Commission U.S.A. contact:
345 East 46th Street,
New York NY 10017,
Thousands of companies of every size in over 130 countries world-wide belong to the ICC, the world business organisation. They represent a broad cross-section of business activity including manufacturing, trade, services and the professions.
Through membership in the ICC, companies shape rules and policies that stimulate international trade and investment. These companies in turn count on the prestige and expertise of the ICC to get business views across to governments and intergovernmental organizations, whose decisions affect corporate finances and operations worldwide.
Business federations such as the CBI, as well as individual companies, are also members of the ICC.
ICC produced a draft document on investment in 1996 that looks suspiciously like the draft of the MAI. As the ICC has quite a large developing county membership, this gives BIAC (see below) a good entrée to negotiations with developing countries.
International Chamber of Commerce (ICC United Kingdom),
14 Belgrave Square,
Tel 0171 823 2811
32 Cour Albert 1er
7508, Paris, France
Web address: http://www.iccwbo.org also provides a list of corporate members and links to their company web pages, as well as the addresses of all the national representative bodies
Footnote on the ICC from Corporate Europe Observatory
An advisory committee to the OECD, BIAC are represented in the UK by the CBI. They also have representation in many other countries. They are one of the main lobby groups for the MAI. The members are federations of business in each OECD countries.
The OECD also has a second UK advisory committee, the Trade Union Advisory Council (TUAC) that works on labour issues. BIAC talks to developing countries bilaterally and through the ICC, and to the Americas through the 'Americas Club'.
Steve Bate, Secretary General, BIAC,
13/15 Chaussee de la Muette,
75016 Paris, France
Tel: 33 1 42 30 09 60
Fax: 33 1 42 88 78 / 45 24 66 20
No web page
In the UK:
Confederation of British Industry,
New Oxford Street,
Tel: 0171 379 7400
The Council describes itself as one of the world's most influential business networks. Founded in 1990 as the Business Council for Sustainable Development by Swiss industrialist Stephan Schmidheiny at the request of Maurice Strong, it became the main voice of the business community at the Rio Earth Summit in 1992. Clearly successful, the final Agenda 21 document side-stepped altogether the question of controls on multinational companies and instead even included a chapter entitled 'Strengthening the Role of Industry'.
In 1995 BCSD merged with the World Industry Council for the Environment, a project of the ICC, to become the World Business Council on Sustainable Development. It has around 125 members, all employees of major companies such as BP, ICI, RTZ, Sony, Fiat, Cargill, Heineken, Unilever and so on. Many WBCSD members are also members of the ERT.
WBCSD promotes environmental protection through economic growth, self-regulation and free trade. However, it now seems to be more of an environmental public relations organisation than a strong influence on policy.
World Business Council on Sustainable Development
Friends of the Earth have done some work on this grouping of oil and car manufacturers working to hinder international agreement on greenhouse gas emissions.
Located in Geneva and founded in 1920, the Federation's membership is made up of employers' organisations in 96 countries. Its role is to represent employers to the International Labour Organisation (ILO). It also supports the role of the private sector in developing countries.
The USIBC web page states:
"Through the IOE, the US Council on International Business communicates U.S. business views to the ILO on all facets of the ILO's work in employment and social policy, including structural adjustment, education and training, termination of employment and plant-closing regulations, social security, safety and health standards, and conventions on minimum labor standards in specific industries; and represents U.S. companies in ILO monitoring of multinational corporate labour practices. "
USCIB President Abraham Katz serves as Vice President of the IOE's Executive Committee and served as Chairman of the IOE Council 1995-96. He also serves as an employer member of the ILO Governing Body.
The Council's own mission statement states:
"The Council on Foreign Relations was founded in 1921 by businessmen, bankers, and lawyers determined to keep the United States engaged in the world. Today, the Council is composed of men and women from all walks of international life and from all parts of America dedicated to the belief that the nation's peace and prosperity are firmly linked to that of the rest of the world.
"From this flows the Council's mission: to foster America's understanding of other nations, near and far, their peoples, cultures, histories, hopes, quarrels, and ambitions; and thus to serve America's global interests through study and debate, private and public.
"The Council is a national membership organization, 3,300 members strong, divided almost equally among New York, Washington, D.C., and the rest of the nation. Its ranks include nearly all past and present senior U.S. government officials who deal with international matters, renowned scholars, and leaders of business, media, human rights, humanitarian, and other non-governmental groups. Its members choose new members, who aim to educate themselves and then others.
"In keeping with its mission, membership, and heritage, the Council now pursues three goals:
"1.To gain new insights into the rules and rhythms of international affairs and to provide analysis and ideas for U.S. foreign policy. The Council does this by talking with world leaders and thinkers, and by bringing together its unmatched membership with its own expert staff of Fellows. These Fellows--with backgrounds in government and scholarship, and with expertise in almost every world issue and region--constitute one of the country's largest and most active think tanks."
"2.To share these insights, analyses, and ideas beyond Council members, with others who have a stake in international matters. The Council does this in many ways. It publishes Foreign Affairs magazine, the most respected publication in the field of international relations. It produces books, monographs, and policy reports, and holds numerous conferences. It runs a vibrant and exclusive Corporate Program for some 200 of the world's leading firms. It also produces a series of televised debates and hearings on major policy issues."
"3. To find and nurture the next generation of foreign policy leaders and thinkers. The Council does this primarily through a special membership program for younger Americans and a variety of fellowships. The aim is to spark interest in world affairs and U.S. foreign policy. The diverse group of 350 younger Council term members with remarkable backgrounds is increasingly active in Council events."
In "A letter from the Chairman" in the 1994 Annual Report of the Council, Peter G. Peterson states on page 7 that:
"... Members had occasion to meet in intensive off-the-record sessions with Secretary of State [Warren] Christopher, National Security Advisor [Anthony] Lake, [former] Secretary [of State] George Pratt] Shultz, [Trade] Ambassador [Mickey] Kantor, Under Secretary of the Treasury [Lawrence H.] Summers, the Joint Chiefs of Staff, and other ranking officials. Next on our agenda are plans for reaching out to congressional leaders as well, an opportunity we will fashion as one component of an enhanced Washington Program."
The Council has a number of Task Forces the following sets out the policy of the task force on Africa:
"Economic Relations with Africa set out to assess the strengths and weaknesses of current US economic policy toward Africa, develop recommendations for changes in policy, and explore the feasibility of orienting US policy toward greater support for regional economic integration in Africa. Focusing its discussions on the principal elements of U.S. economic policy with Africa (economic policy reform, development assistance, trade and investment, and debt reduction), the group has put forward a Task Force Statement with policy recommendations to have a timely impact on the Administration's position on Africa at the June 1997 G-7 Summit in Denver, as well as to help inform the debate in Congress on U.S. economic policy toward Africa."
Clearly the Council was highly influential in the Clinton Plan for Africa, which at first sight appeared a benevolent aid package but now looks like a bilateral agreement on investment liberalisation.
The Council holds occasional public meetings to which it invites the press. They are also thought to hold regular secret meetings for members and select guests. The By-Laws of the Council would give weight to the allegations that it is a secretive organisation:
Page 169: Article II of the By-Laws states: "It is an express condition of membership in the Council, to which condition every member accedes by virtue of his or her membership, that members will observe such rules and regulations as may be prescribed from time to time by the Board of Directors concerning the conduct of council meetings or the attribution of statements made therein, and that any disclosure, public, or other action by a member in contravention thereof may be regarded by the Board of Directors in its sole discretion as grounds for termination or suspension of membership pursuant to Article I of the By-Laws."
The Council headquarters is at:
Harold Pratt House,
58 East 68th Street,
New York, NY 10021.,
Tel. No.: 212 434 9400 (212-734-0400),
Fax No.: 212-861-1789.
Mike Holtzman is Director of Public Affairs on 212-434-9536
CFR on the web at: http://www.foreignrelations.org
The United States Council for International Business was founded in 1945 to promote an open system of world trade, investment, and finance. It has a membership of over 300 multinational companies, law firms, and business associations. It is the U.S. affiliate of the International Chamber of Commerce, the Business and Industry Advisory Committee to the OECD and the International Organisation of Employers. It formulates policy positions through over 50 committees and working groups composed of business representatives; facilitates international trade through harmonisation of commercial practices; and issues and guarantees ATA Carnets, which allow temporary, duty-free imports into the U.S. and other countries.
As the US representative for both the ICC and BIAC, the council has been lobbying very hard on the MAI to the US Government. They have a website dedicated to the MAI, including copies of lobby letters sent to US Trade representatives arguing against the NGO position.
The Annual UCSIB dinner will be held at the Waldorf Astoria, New York on December 7th where an international leadership award will be presented to Joseph T. Gorman, Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, TRW Inc.
In the words of the USCIB press release:
"The Award is conferred on a senior business executive who has made a significant policy contribution to world trade and investment - and to improving the global competitive framework in which American business operates. Mr. Gorman will be recognized for his leadership, on behalf of the business community, in the effort to secure fast track negotiating authority for the President.
"Highlights of Mr. Gorman's service to the business community include:
Chairman of The Business Roundtable International Trade and Investment Task Force , Board member of the U.S.-China Business Council, Trustee of the Committee for Economic Development Chairman of the Defense Industry Initiative Steering Committee, a director of The Procter & Gamble Company and the Aluminum Company of America, Serves on the advisory board of BP America Inc., Member of the Trilateral Commission, Member of the Council on Foreign Relations, the President's Export Business Council, The Conference Board, The Business Council, and the Council on Competitiveness."
For more information contact:
USCIB at 212-354-4480 or email@example.com
Web page: http://www.imex.com/uscib/
A Corporate lobby group of CEOs of the largest US corporations. Includes Boeing, Proctor and Gamble, Caterpillar, Chrysler and General Motors and TRW.
Highly influential in the signing of the NAFTA agreement and the Uruguay Round. Currently looking to raise $3 million to influence the debate on "fast-tracking" free trade agreements.
Like most industry lobby groups, this body includes a number of task forces, including one on trade and investment, of which Joseph Gorman is chair.
Founded in 1983, the European Round Table of Industrialists (ERT) consists of 45 "captains of industry" from large European transnational corporations including BP, Daimler-Benz, Fiat, Shell, GKN and Siemens. The ERT aims to remove all obstacles to trade within the European Community or, in their own words, to 'complete the internal market'. Each ERT member is a highly influential industrialist with easy access to national and European decision makers.
The ERT has 10 working groups in areas such as North/South relations, education and competitiveness. All ERT members meet twice a year for plenary sessions and imbetween the Steering Committee plans activities. Watchdog Groups, such as the Environment Watchdog Group, are established with experts from ERT companies.
Major policy areas in which the ERT has had strong influence are the Single European Act (1986), European Monetary Union (1999), the Channel Tunnel, the Trans-European Roads Programme and Network and the GATT Uruguay Round. Another key ERT concept is 'benchmarking' which the ERT describes as 'scanning the world to see what is the very best anyone anywhere is doing, and then finding a way to do as well or better'.
For a more detailed examination of the ERT, see the publication "Europe Inc" by the Corporate Europe Observatory.
European Roundtable of Industrialists
A UK body made up of guess what? Group plans to meet with Oxfam/WWF/WDM on MAI at some point. Members include ICI, BP, Shell, BAT, RTZ, Glaxo, Unilever, Guiness, Hong Kong & Shanghai Bank.
This is only a preliminary and highly sketchy analysis of how multinational companies' lobby groups work. It is hard to gauge which of these groups are the most significant, or even whether there are many others that are not even listed here.
Some, such as the World Economic Forum, are moderately open about their activities and give the impression of being quite progressive. Others, such as Bilderberg and the Trilateral Commission, are highly secretive and it is hard to say how much influence they have; Others, like the US Council on Foreign Relations, the ERT, ICC or BIAC appear open but are probably working hard behind the scenes. The World Council on Sustainable Development seems to have been very influential around the Rio Summit but now seems little more than a PR machine.
If it is of value to take this project further, it would be worth going on to do the following:
· Get a better picture of the membership of these groups and the involvement of some individuals with a wide range of organisations. Appendix 4 makes a start on this, but there is a long way to go. A fuller list would suggest the best lines for reasearch. § Chart the involvement of political and public figures with these groups I believe Tony Blair visited a Bilderberg meeting whilst in opposition; and Gordon Brown is named as a Global Leader for Tommorrow by the World Economic Forum. But the most fruitful area of research would seem to be the unelected but still to some extent accountable members of the Lords. Lord Simon, for example, was a member of the ERT; Lord Ipsen is a member of Bilderberg; and Lord Carrington is involved with both Bilderberg and the US Council on Foreign Relations.
· Chart the involvement of slightly more publicly accountable groups, such as the WTO, World Bank or IMF with these groups. For example, Renato Ruggiero, Director General of the World Trade Organisation, was on the board of Fiat from 1990-95. In June 1995, A WTO report on Morocco states: "In June 1995, the (Moroccan) Government signed an eight-year contract with the winning competitor, Fiat. In parallel, import tariffs were reduced to their current level which, in turn, would promote competition. The project met the relevant provisions for developing countries and would as soon as possible be notified under the WTO Agreement on Trade-Related Investment Measures."
· Identify individuals who might act as further sources of inside information. These might be those who have been peripherally involved but who are more democratically accountable, such as members of the house of Lords and media figures; or those who have left companies because they have been mistreated by the company in some way. For example Gordon Brown, Peter Blum (Director Triodos Bank), Rigoberta Menchu and Muhammad Yunnus are all named as Global Leaders For Tomorrow by the World Economic Forum.
§ Build up a chronology of their activities. This was the technique used by WDM to expose the Pergau Dam and Westland Helicopter scandals, as gradually it became clear how events correlated to major political decisions. A chronology of up and coming events for these groups could also act as a campaign focus such as the Davos meeting next January and the USCIB celebratory dinner December 7th.
§ Work out the sphere of influence of each of these groups and how they relate. What are their particular outlooks? To what extent do they share common aims, both in practice and in principle? A steady stream of information of this nature is likely to generate both media and campaign interest.
(Titles refer to the position at the time of participation)
Esko Aho Prime Minister of Finland
Kofi Annan Secretary-General of the United Nations
Anwar Ibrahim Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance of Malaysia
Yasser Arafat Chairman of the PLO
Benazir Bhutto Prime Minister of Pakistan
Carl Bildt Prime Minister of Sweden
James Bolger Prime Minister of New Zealand
Boutros Boutros-Ghali Secretary-General of the United Nations
Gro Harlem Brundtland Prime Minister of Norway
Viktor Chernomyrdin Prime Minister of Russia
Frederick Chiluba President of Zambia
Joaquim Chissano President of Mozambique
Tansu Ciller Prime Minister of Turkey
Emil Constantinescu President of Romania
Jean-Luc Dehaene Prime Minister of Belgium
Süleyman Demirel President of Turkey
Alberto Fujimori President of Peru
Arpad Goencz President of Hungary
Goh Chok Tong Prime Minister of Singapore
Antonio Guterres Prime Minister of Portugal
Vaclav Havel President of the Czech Republic
Roman Herzog President of the Federal Republic of Germany
Ion Iliescu President of Romania
Donald J. Johnston Secretary-General OECD, Paris
Islam Karimov President of Uzbekistan
Hamed Karoui Prime Minister of Tunisia
Vaclav Klaus Prime Minister of the Czech Republic
F. W. de Klerk President of South Africa
Thomas Klestil President of Austria
Helmut Kohl Chancellor of the Federal Republic of Germany
Arnold Koller President of the Swiss Confederation
Leonid Kuchma President of Ukraine
Aleksander Kwasniewski President of Poland
Lee Kuan Yew Senior Minister of Singapore
Farooq Ahmed Khan Leghari President of Pakistan
Li Peng Premier of the People's Republic of China
Ruud Lubbers Prime Minister of the Netherlands
Mahathir bin Mohamad Prime Minister of Malaysia
Nelson Mandela President of South Africa
Carlos Saul Menem President of Argentina
Muhammad Hosni Mubarak President of Egypt
Robert Mugabe President of the Republic of Zimbabwe
Yoweri Museveni President of Uganda
Nursultan A. Nazarbayev President of Kazakstan
Benjamin Netanyahu Prime Minister of Israel
Saparmurad Niyazov President of Turkmenistan
Paal Nyrup Rasmussen Prime Minister of Denmark
Shimon Peres Prime Minister of Israel
Phan Van Khai First Deputy Prime Minister of Vietnam
P. V. Narasimha Rao Prime Minister of India
Rodrigo de Rato y Figaredo Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Economy and Finance of Spain
Mary Robinson President of Ireland
Renato Ruggiero Director General, World Trade Organization
Jacques Santer President of the European Commission,
Nawas Sharif Prime Minister of Pakistan
Javier Solana Madariaga Secretary-General NATO, Brussels
Franz Vranitzky Federal Chancellor of Austria
Juan Carlos Wasmosy President of Paraguay
James D. Wolfensohn President, World Bank, Washington DC
Ernesto Zedillo Ponce de Leon President of Mexico
Zhu Rongji Vice-Premier of the State Council of the People's Republic of China
Peter, Lord Carrington, Chairman of the Board, Christie's International plc; Former Secretary-General NATO.
§ Secretary-General for Europe and Canada:
Victor Halberstadt, Professor of Public Economics, Leiden University, the Netherlands.
§ Secretary General for USA:
Theodore L. Elliot, Jr-Dean Emeritus, The Fletcher School of Law & Diplomacy; Former US Ambassador.
Pieter Korteweg, President and Chief Executive Officer, Robeco Group.
Peter Jankowitsch-Member of Parliament, Former Foreign Minister.
Etienne Davignon-Chairman, Société Générale de Belgique; Former Vice Chairman of the Commission of the European Communities.
Jaakko Iloniemi-Managing Director, Centre for Finnish Business and Policy Studies; Former Ambassador to the USA.
Marc Lardreit de Lacharrère-Chairman, Fimalac.
Thierry de Montbrial-Director, French Institute of International Relations; Professor of Economics, Ecole Polytechnique.
Christoph Bertram- Diplomatic Correspondent, Die Zeit. § Hilmar Kopper-Spokesman of the Board of Managing Directors, Deutsche Bank AG.
Costa Carras-Director of companies.
Peter D. Sutherland-Chairman, Allied Irish Bank plc; Former Member, Commission of the European Communities.
Mario Monti-Rector and Professor of Economics, Bocconi University, Milan.
§ Renato Ruggiero, Member of the Board, Fiat SpA; Former Minister of Foreign Trade; Director of the World Trade Organisation.
Westye Hoegh, Ship Owner, Leif Hoegh & Co AS.
Francisco Pinto Balsemao-Professor of Mass Communication, New University of Lisbon; Chairman, Sojornal sarl; Former Prime Minister.
Jamie Carvajal Urquijo-Chairman and General Manager, Iberfomento.
Percy Barnevik-President and CEO, ABB Asea Brown Boveri Ltd.
David de Pury-Chairman, BBC Brown Boveri Ltd; Co-Chairman, ABB Asea Brown Boveri Group.
Selahattin Beyazit-Director of companies.
§ United Kingdom:
Andrew Knight-Executive Chairman, News International plc.
§ United States of America:
Kenneth W. Dam-Max Pam Professor of American and Foreign Law, University of Chicago Law School; Former Deputy Secretary of State.
Vernon E. Jordan, Jr-Partner, Akin, Gump, Hauer & Field, Attorneys-at-Law; Former President, National Urban League.
Henry A. Kissinger-Former Secretary of State; Chairman, Kissinger Associates, Inc.
Charles McC. Mathias-Partner, Jones, Day, Reavis & Poue; Former US Senator (Republican, Maryland).
Rozanne C. Whitehead - Former Deputy Secretary of State.
Lynn R. Williams-International President, United Steel- Workers of America.
Cassimir A. Yost-Executive Director, The Asia Foundation's Center for Asian-Pacific Affairs.
§ United States of America/International:
James D. Wolfensohn-President, World Bank; President, James D. Wolfensohn, Inc.
Anthony G. S. Griffin-Director of companies.
Otto Wolff von Amerongen-Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Otto Wolff Industrieberatung und Beteiligungen GmbH.
Max Kohnstamm-Former Secretary-General, Action Committee for Europe; Former President, European University Institute.
Giovanni Agnelli-Chairman, Fiat SpA.
Ernst H. van der Beugel-Emeritus Professor of International Relations, Leiden University; Former Honorary Secretary-General of Bilderberg Meetings for Europe and Canada.
§ United Kingdom:
Lord Roll of Ipsden-President, S. G. Warburg Group plc.
§ United States of America:
George W. Ball-Former Under-Secretary of State.
William P. Bundy-Former Editor, Foreign Affairs.
David Rockefeller-Chairman, Chase Manhattan Bank International Advisory Committee.
§ Mariclaire Acosta Urquidi (Mexico), President, Mexican Commission for the Defense and Promotion of Human Rights.
§ Giovanni Agnelli (Italy), Chairman, Instituto Finanziario Industriale; Honorary Chairman, Fiat S.p.A.
§ Khalid Ali Alturki (Saudi Arabia), Chairman, TRADCO
§ Moshe Arens (Israel), Former Deputy Chairman of the Board, Israel Corporation Ltd.; former Ambassador of Israel to the United States
§ Hanan Ashrawi (West Bank), Member, Palestinian National Council; Founder, Palestinian Independent Commission for Citizens' Rights.
§ Percy N. Barnevik (Sweden), Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, ABB Asea Brown Boveri Ltd.
§ Conrad M. Black (Canada), Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Argus Corporation Limited; Chairman, Hollinger International Inc.; Chairman, Telegraph Group Limited
§ Gro Harlem Brundtland (Norway), Member of Parliament; former Prime Minister of Norway
§ Peter A. R. Carrington (Great Britain), Chancellor, University of Reading; former Secretary-General, NATO
§ Gustavo A. Cisneros (Venezuela), Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Cisneros Group of Companies
§ Alejandro Foxley (Chile), President, Christian Democratic Party; former Minister of Finance of Chile
§ Toyoo Gyohten (Japan), President, Institute for International Monetary Affairs; Senior Adviser, The Bank ofTokyo-Mitsubishi, Ltd.
§ Abdlatif Y. Al-Hamad (Kuwait), Director General and Chairman of the Board of Directors, Arab Fund for Economic andSocial Development
§ Abid Hussain (India), Vice Chairman, Rajiv Gandhi Institute for Contemporary Studies; former Ambassador of India to the United States
§ Sergei A. Karaganov (Russia), Deputy Director, Institute of Europe, Russian Academy of Sciences; Chairman of the Board, Council on Foreign and Defence Policy
§ Kyung-Won Kim (Republic of Korea), President, Institute of Social Sciences; former Ambassador of Korea to the United States
§ Yotaro Kobayashi (Japan), Chairman and Chief Executive Officer, Fuji Xerox Co., Ltd.
§ Otto Graf Lambsdorff (Germany), Memberof the Bundestag; former Federal Minister of Economics
§ Graca Machel (Mozambique), President, Mozambique Community Development Foundation
§ Juan March Delgado (Spain), Chairman, Juan March Foundation
§ Maria Rosa Martini (Argentina), Cofounder and President, Social Sector Forum; Vice President, Civitas; Cofounder, CONCIENCIA Argentina
§ Barbara McDougall (Canada), Former Secretary of State for External Affairs; former Minister of State for Finance and Privatization
§ Rigoberta Menchu Tum (Guatemala), Founder, Rigoberta Menchu Tum Foundation; 1992 Nobel Peace Prize recipient
§ Adam Michnik (Poland), Editor-in-Chief, Gazeta Wyborcza
§ Olusegun Obasanjo (Nigeria), Chairman, Africa Leadership Forum; former Head of State of Nigeria
§ Anand Panyarachun (Thailand), Chairman, Saha-Union Public Company Limited; Former Prime Minister of Thailand
§ Moeen A. Qureshi (Pakistan), Chairman, Emerging Markets Partnership; former Prime Minister of Pakistan
§ Edzard Reuter (Germany), Former Chairman, Daimler-Benz
§ AG Michel Rocard (France), President, Commission of Development, European Parliament; former Prime Minister of France
§ Khehla Shubane (Republic of South Africa), Research Officer, Centre for Policy Studies
§ Peter D. Sutherland (Ireland), Chairman and Managing Director, Goldman Sachs International; Chairman, British Petroleum Company plc; former Director-General, World Trade Organization
§ Washington SyCip (Philippines), Chairman and Founder, The SGV Group
§ Shirley V. T. Brittain Williams (Great Britain), Member, British House of Lords; Public Service Professor of Electoral Politics, Harvard University
§ Muhammad Yunus (Bangladesh), Founder, Managing Director and Chief ExecutiveOfficer, Grameen Bank
Lord Peter A.R. Carrington Chair of Bilderberg Members Steering Committee; member international advisory board of Council on Foreign Relations; former secretary general of NATO; Chairman of the Board, Christie's PLC; Chancellor, University of Reading; member, House of Lords.
Jim Callaghan Thought to be current president of Bilderberg; Member of the House of Lords.
Peter D Sutherland (Irish) Chairman, British Petroleum PLC; Chairman, Allied Irish Bank PLC; Chairman and Managing director, Goldman Sachs International; Former member, Commission of the European Communities; former Director-General, World Trade Organisation.
Shirley Brittain Williams - member international advisory board of Council on Foreign Relations; Member House of Lords; Public Service Professor of Electoral Politics, Harvard University.
Lord Roll of Ipsden Member Bilderberg Advisory Group; President S.G. Warburg Group PLC; Member House of Lords. Andrew Knight - Member Bilderberg Steering Committee; Chairman News International PLC
David Simon (Lord Simon of Highbury) Former member, European Roundtable of Industrialists; UK Minister for Competitiveness in Europe; Ex-chairman of BP.
Joseph T Gorman (USA) Member of Bilderberg, Trilateral Commission, Council on Foreign Relations, Business Council, Council on Competitiveness and others. Chairman of the Buiness Roundtable International Trade and Investment task force. CEO TRW Inc; Director Procter and Gamble Company and Aluminium Company of America.
David Rockefeller (USA) President of the Trilateral Commission; President of Chase Manhattan Bank; member of Bilderberg Advisory Group. Renato Ruggieri (Italy) Member Bilderberg Steering Committee; member international advisory board of Council on Foreign Relations; Director World Trade Organisation 95 - ; Former Italian Minister of Foreign Trad; member of the board, Fiat Spa 90-95; Attendee at Davos Meeting.
Giovanni Agnelli (Italy) member of Bilderberg Advisory Group; member international advisory board of Council on Foreign Relations; World Economic Forum Global Leader for Tomorrow; Honorary Chairman, Fiat SpA; Director, Instituto Finanziario Industriale (IFI - The Agnelli family holding company). Giovanni's brother, Umberto, is Chairman of IFI and a founder of the European Roundtable of Industrialists.
Conrad M Black (Canada) member international advisory board of Council on Foreign Relations; Chairman and CEO Argus Corporation Ltd; Chairman Hollinger International Inc; Chairman Telegraph Group Ltd.
Gro Harlem Bruntland (Norway) - member international advisory board of Council on Foreign Relations; Attendee at Davos Meeting.
Percy N Barnevik (Sweden) - Member Bilderberg Steering Committee; member international advisory board of Council on Foreign Relations; member, European Roundtable of Industrialists; member, World Business Council on Sustainable Development; President and CEO, ABB Brown Boveri Ltd.
Donald J Johnston Secretary General, OECD; Attendee at Davos Meeting.
James D Wolfensohn (USA) Member of Bilderberg advisory group; member, World Business Council on Sustainable Development; Attendee at Davos Meeting; President World Bank.
Juan March Delgado (Spain), Chairman, Juan March Foundation; member, World Business Council on Sustainable Development; member, international advisory board of Council on Foreign Relations.
To the ICC and the MAI I can send you an excerpt fom CEOs (Corporate europe Abservatory, Amsterdam) briefing "MAIGALOMANIA" For the full text look at: http://www.xs4all.nl/~ceo/mai/. This is one of the best european briefing concerning the MAI and even the same theme, you are working about - "Dangerous Liasons".
THE INTERNATIONAL CHAMBER OF COMMERCE
One of the most heavyweight corporate players behind the MAI is without doubt the International Chamber of Commerce (ICC). The ICC, which promotes itself as "the world business organization" with members in over 130 countries, is not primarily an umbrella for chambers of commerce from around the world as the name might suggest. Its membership includes some of the world's wealthiest transnational corporations: Asea Brown Boveri, Bayer, British Petroleum, Dow Chemical, General Motors, Hyundai, Nestlé, Novartis, Shell, Toshiba, Zeneca and so forth. Quite a few national business associations are also part of the ICC.
The ICC -- which clearly has ambitions to become a major player in global politics -- shares its chairman, Nestlé president Helmut Maucher, with the influential European Roundtable of Industrialists. The ICC's secretary-general is Maria Livanos Cattaui, who over a period of nearly two decades developed the World Economic Forum and its annual meeting in
Davos into a hugely influential global summit of corporate leaders and top politicians.
ICC involvement in the MAI negotiations has partly been through the Business and Industry Advisory Council (BIAC), the official business delegation to the OECD negotiations. The Chamber itself has left a number of fingerprints on the draft treaty, for instance regarding arbitration.
In the current draft, the ICC's Court of Arbitration is included as one of the main mechanisms for dispute settlement. Vincent J. O'Brien of the ICC says: "We definitely helped with the parts regarding arbitration. The ICC clearly has expertise in that area, and so it was natural that we had a hand in there." One ofthe most controversial aspects of the MAI, the investor-state dispute mechanism which will allow corporations to sue governments in an international court, has been developed with the assistance of ICC "experts". The role of the ICC in this mechanism will be to oversee disputes and facilitate the settlement process.
The MAI allows its signatories to declare certain laws exempt from the treaty for national security reasons. However, it is up to the MAI dispute settlement panel -- overseen by the ICC -- to determine whether such a claim is valid. No one is entirely sure how the MAI would affect national law, as interpretation of the treaty will be left to an independent panel appointed by defendants and the corporations bringing the dispute. Under the proposed MAI, state courts will have no jurisdiction in this area of law.
The ICC has also made use of its access and consultative status at major international summits to push for the MAI. During the Denver Summit of the G-7 in 1997, the ICC met with the heads of state of the Group of Seven most industrialized countries and presented its viewpoints. The ICC urged, among other things, the leaders to work harder to ensure that the MAI negotiations are concluded quickly and that there be a complete rejection of environmental and labour standards.
The OECD treaty on investment is a major goal for the ICC, but it is only the first step. In the spring of 1996, the ICC published the report "Multilateral Rules for Investment" in which it expressed its support for all of the major elements in the MAI: the broad definition of investment, national treatment, most-favoured nation treatment, investment protection, and binding investor-state arbitration. The report strongly supports the MAI negotiations, but ends by calling for the December 1996 WTO Ministerial Conference to "begin within the WTO to establish a comprehensive and truly global framework of rules and disciplines to govern cross-border direct investment".
If you have any questions or comments regarding this footnote, please e-mail firstname.lastname@example.org
 The Chambers of Commerce are organized in the International Bureau of Chambers of Commerce (IBCC)
 Interview January 29 1998 with Vincent J. O'Brien, Deputy Director of Communications, ICC.
 ICC - The World Business Organization in 1997, p. 4.
 ICC Commission on International Trade and Investment Policy, Document no. 103/179 Rev., 30 April 1996.
 Ibid, p. 3.
Corporate Europe Observatory, February 1998
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